Impact of Masculine Identity on Racing Engagement Among Young Motorcyclists in Penang, Malaysia

1. INTRODUCTION

Illegal motorcycle racing has become increasingly prevalent, particularly among young individuals, as a means of seeking excitement and self-expression [1, 2]. This rising trend in motorcycle racing carries significant societal costs. Street racing has been recognized as a threat to civil society for a considerable period, leading to substantial social and economic consequences [3, 4]. Not only does it jeopardize the safety of other road users, but it also creates unnecessary disturbances for the public. The reckless behaviours exhibited during these races not only endanger the participants but also put innocent bystanders at risk. Additionally, the noise, disruption, and potential for accidents associated with street racing can severely impact the quality of life in affected communities [5, 6].

In Malaysia, a vibrant subculture of illegal motorcycle racing, commonly referred to as 'Mat Rempit,' has emerged among certain segments of the youth population (ages 13-16). These individuals, who are active racers, often participate in races using small motorcycles that frequently lack essential safety precautions. Many of these motorcycles have been modified to achieve higher speeds or to create louder exhaust noises, deviating from standard specifications. Mat Rempits typically ride in large groups and conduct their races on public roads, posing significant risks to other motorists. Apart from racing, they navigate through traffic by executing perilous motorcycle stunts, including their renowned 'Superman' maneuvers. They are also infamous for their high-speed weaving, known as 'Cilok' between moving vehicles [7]. Additionally, a distinct group of young individuals often joins these events as part of other street gangs, usually serving as bystanders rather than active participants.

Studies consistently demonstrate that involvement in illegal racing is linked to various factors, including youth, gender roles, limited education, low socioeconomic status, thrill-seeking tendencies, peer pressure, cultural and social norms, financial incentives, and religious disconnection [8-10]. Young individuals are more suscep- tible to participating in illegal racing due to impulsiveness and a lack of consideration for consequences [11, 12]. Pressure from peers and the fear of social exclusion can compel them to join races, even against their better judgment [13]. Individuals with lower educational backgrounds may turn to illegal racing as they have limited access to alternative forms of entertainment, drawing them toward risky activities [14, 15]. Similarly, those from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds, dealing with restricted resources and opportunities, find solace in the excitement of illegal racing [16, 17].

Moreover, residing in areas characterized by high crime rates and gang activities exposes them to this underground sport. Children from troubled family structures or broken families are more likely to engage in risky behaviours like illegal racing due to the absence of parental supervision and guidance. Racing can also serve as an escape from problems at home [18-20]. The use of prohibited substances, such as drugs and alcohol, constitutes a well-documented risk factor associated with reckless behaviour, including participation in dangerous racing activities [21-23]. Substance abuse impairs judgment, lowers inhibitions, and heightens impulsivity, making young motorcyclists more inclined to engage in risky racing behaviours like high-speed racing [24, 25].

Furthermore, peer groups and social circles where substance abuse is prevalent can further increase the likelihood of participating in high-speed racing [26, 27]. Young motorcyclists lacking religious or spiritual affiliations may lack moral constraints, potentially increasing their involvement in perilous racing activities. Religious teachings emphasize ethical conduct, making those strongly affiliated less prone to engaging in conflicting behaviours. During times of health challenges, individuals often turn to their religious or spiritual beliefs for comfort, hope, and resilience [28, 29].

Cultural and social norms play a significant role in perpetuating illegal racing, particularly in societies where it symbolizes masculinity and toughness. The desire to prove one's masculinity through displays of reckless driving and competition with other male drivers appears to be a central motivating factor for many individuals who participate in illegal street racing [30, 31]. Emerging research has identified masculinity and conformity to traditional male gender norms as a significant risk factor for dangerous driving behaviours, including participation in illegal street racing [32-34]. Studies utilizing validated measures of masculine norms, such as the Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory (CMNI), have demonstrated a strong link between the endorsement of masculine ideals and the propensity to engage in unlawful high-speed driving [35, 36].

However, the existing studies have primarily focused on car-based illegal racing, and there is less research specifically examining the dynamics of illegal motorcycle racing. Motorcycles may introduce some unique social and cultural considerations that could influence the motivations and behaviors of participants. For example, the thrill-seeking and risk-taking associated with motor- cycle riding may attract individuals who are already inclined towards hypermasculine self-expression [37]. The physical skill and bravery required to handle a high-powered motorcycle at high speeds could also serve as a means for some riders to demonstrate their masculinity. Additionally, motorcycle subcultures may have their own distinct social norms and values that could shape the attitudes and behaviors around illegal racing. The motorcycle enthusiast community often places a strong emphasis on ideals like freedom, independence, and the “rebel” image, which could intersect with masculine norms in ways that encourage reckless riding [38, 39].

Limited research exists on the relationship between masculinity and motorcycle racing, creating a gap in the literature. A previous study investigated the factors associated with illegal street racing, known as “Mat Rempit,” among young motorcycle riders in Malaysia. The study focused on sociodemographic characteristics and risky behaviors, finding high prevalence rates of cigarette smoking (78.3%), alcohol use (27.8%), and recreational drug use (18.8%) among the participants. Importantly, the study reported that masculinity scores were positively correlated with risky behavior scores and inversely related to health-protective behavior scores [8].

Building on this prior work, the current study aimed to further explore the prevalence of self-reported illegal motorcycle racing and the impact of masculine identity on participation in these racing activities. This study proposes that, in addition to the many other risk factors characterizing individuals involved in illegal racing, a strong masculine identity may be a key explanation for engaging in these dangerous behaviors, even when controlling for other sociodemographic and racing-related factors.

Compared to the LP Wong study, the current research utilized the Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory (CMNI) to provide a more comprehensive assessment of masculinity among the respondents. By offering empirical insights from a non-Western cultural context, this study has the potential to enhance the current understanding of the intersection between motorcycle racing and masculine identity. The findings hold practical significance for policymakers, practitioners, and educators seeking to improve road safety and prevent motorcycle-related injuries, particularly among young men. Furthermore, the study carries theoretical implications for scholars interested in comprehending the relationship between gender and leisure in contemporary society.

2. METHODS

3. MATERIALS

The study participants were administered a paper survey questionnaire consisting of three parts. The first part gathered socio-demographic information, details about their engagement in illegal motorcycle racing, and violent tendencies. The socio-demographic information included age, educational level, working status, household income, locality, type of residence, living arrangements, problematic family structure (divorced parents), and self-declaration of lack of religious affiliation. The racing information included participation in illegal races, duration involved as a racer, frequency of racing, possession of a valid driving license, motorcycle modifications for speed, appearance, and performance, engagement in performing dangerous stunts or manoeuvres, history of disregarding traffic laws, and history of facing legal consequences. The violent tendencies included their involvement in aggressive behaviours, such as drinking alcohol, intake of prohibited substances, drug addiction, vandalism, bullying, fighting, gambling, and stealing.

The second part contained an inventory that evaluated masculine identity based on the Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory - 22 (CMNI-22). It is a short-form version of the original 94-item Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory (CMNI). It is a self-report questionnaire that measures the extent to which individuals conform to traditional masculine norms, such as primacy of work, dominance, risk-taking, heterosexual presentation, emotional control, winning, power over women, pursuit of status, violence, playboy, and self-reliance. The CMNI-22 consists of 22 items, each of which is rated on a 4-point Likert scale from 0 (strongly disagree) to 3 (strongly agree). The total score is calculated by summing the scores for all 22 items. Higher scores indicate a higher conformity to masculine norms. The internal consistency of the scale is high (Cronbach's alpha = 0.869). Using the short-form version of the CMNI is advantageous because it includes the strongest questions from the full scale and is less time-consuming, taking only about 90 seconds to complete, according to peer-reviewed reports [32].

The CMNI has been employed in diverse research to explore how masculinity is connected to different outcomes, encompassing mental and physical health [41]. Research indicates that elevated CMNI scores are linked to adverse mental and physical health conditions, including depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and cardiovascular disease. Moreover, higher CMNI scores have been correlated with heightened aggression and violence in men. Additionally, studies have found that CMNI scores are inversely related to academic success in boys and young men [42-44].

4. RESULTS

This study aimed to examine the prevalence of self-reported illegal motorcycle racing and the impact of masculine identity on participation in these racing activities. This study proposes that in addition to the many other risk factors characterizing individuals involved in illegal racing, a strong masculine identity may be a key explanation for engaging in these dangerous behaviors, even when controlling for other sociodemographic and racing-related factors. As seen in Tables 1 and 2, a significant portion of participants (57.5%) identified themselves as active racers, while the remaining 42.5% were either bystanders or participated in convoys only.

Looking into the socio-demographic background of the 400 participants, Table 1 shows the frequency and percentage of participants for various variables. The age range of the participants was 14 to 29 years, with the highest percentage (65.0%) falling within the 18 to 21 age group. In terms of education level, most participants (62.5%) had completed lower secondary education, followed by 26.5% who had completed higher secondary education. Regarding working status, 50% of the participants were students, followed by 18% who worked as mechanics and 14.5% who worked in factories. The household income of the participants ranged from below RM 1000 to above RM 4000, with 64.5% falling within the range of RM 1000-4000. Regarding locality, 76% of the participants lived in rural areas. The most common type of residence was a rented house (28.25%), followed by a terrace house (30.75%). In terms of living arrangements, many participants (83.8%) lived with their families. The table also provides information on family problems and lack of religious/spiritual nature. A total of 73.75% of participants reported that they came from broken divorced parents, and 78.75% reported a lack of religious/spiritual nature.

The duration of involvement as an illegal racer was 1.3 years. When examining the frequency of racing, 44% reported racing very often or often, while 13.5% indicated they rarely engaged in such activities. The possession of a valid driving license was reported by 27% of the respondents, while a substantial 73% did not possess one. In terms of motorcycle modification, 54% had modified their motorcycles, with the remaining 46% sticking to standard configurations. Notably, 57.5% of the respon- dents admitted to performing dangerous stunts or manoeuvres, whereas 42.5% claimed not to engage in such activities. Most of the respondents (59.75%) acknowledged a history of disregarding traffic laws, while 40.25% reported abiding by traffic laws. Additionally, 57.5% of the respondents indicated a history of facing legal consequences, with 42.5% reporting no such history.

Among the participants surveyed, it is evident that 186 engaged in risky and aggressive behaviors (Table 3]. Drinking was reported by 30% of them, while the intake of prohibited substances was close behind at 29.5%. A smaller but still concerning percentage, 5.75%, admitted to drug addiction. The data on acts of vandalism were particularly alarming, with a vast majority of 74.73% reporting involvement in such destructive actions. Additionally, bullying was found to be a pervasive issue among this group, as 37.5% of the respondents acknowledged participation in this harmful behavior. Fighting was reported by a high percentage of 69.9%, indicating that physical altercations are relatively common. Gambling and stealing were reported at lower percentages, 5.4% and 52.7%, respectively, but they still highlight the presence of problematic behaviors within this population. The mean score for masculine identity among the 400 participants was 31, with scores ranging from a low of 21 to a high of 45.2 (Table 4). Participants were categorized into two groups: the "low masculine identity group" (n = 179) with mean scores less than 31, and the "high masculine identity group" (n = 221) with mean scores of 31 or higher.

In simple logistic regression, the factors that had p p-value less than 0.25 were high masculine identity score, problematic family structure, lack of religious nature, frequency of racing (often), history of disregarding the law, history of drinking, and intake of the prohibited substance. However, after adjusting the high masculine identity score with the variables in multiple logistic regression, only the high masculine identity group, having problematic family structure, lack of religious nature, and intake of prohibited substances, were found to be significant in the final model (p<0.05).

Notably, participants in the high masculine identity group were four times more likely to engage in motorcycle racing compared to those in the low masculine identity group, and this association was found to be statistically significant. The other significant factors were lack of religious spirituality, problematic family structure, and intake of prohibited substances. Approximately 84.2% of items were correctly classified, and there was no evidence of multicollinearity. The model was deemed to be a good fit, as indicated by a Hosmer and Lemeshow test p-value of 0.251 and an ROC curve value of 94%.

In the stratified analysis logistic model comparing the age groups, the high masculine identity factor was not significant in the 14 to 17 age group (Table 5) but significant in the 18 to 21 years group. The problematic family structure and the highly masculine group were found to be significant in the 22 to 29 age group (p<0.01).

5. DISCUSSION

The findings of this study provide insights into the socio-demographic backgrounds and racing activities of young motorcyclists engaged in illegal racing in Malaysia. A significant proportion of the participants fell within the 18 to 21 age group, with most having lower secondary education. Participants with lower levels of education exhibited a heightened propensity for engaging in illegal activities, primarily attributed to restricted employment prospects and less social capital. Within this demographic figure, a higher rate of school dropouts amplified the risk of delinquent behaviour. Most of the participants lived with their families, residing in rural areas, with household incomes ranging from less than RM 1000 to over RM 4000. This indicates that, like those involved in car racing, most of the illegal motorcycle racers were also from lower socio-economic backgrounds [45].

Participants hailing from lower socioeconomic backgrounds may turn to illicit activities, such as motorcycle racing, in their pursuit of income or status. Moreover, their increased likelihood of residing in high-crime areas further accentuates the risk of their involvement in such riding behaviours [46, 47].

Additionally, 73.75% of participants had divorced parents, and 78.75% reported a lack of religious or spiritual affiliation. It is also worth noting that children from divorced families are more likely to engage in risky behaviours, such as substance abuse, delinquency, and criminal activity. This may be due to several factors, including the stress and instability associated with divorce, as well as the lack of parental supervision and support. Similarly, people who lack religious or spiritual affiliation are more likely to engage in risky behaviours. This may be because religion and spirituality can provide people with a sense of purpose, meaning, and morality, which can deter them from engaging in harmful activities. Often, research in this area reveals that family-related problems or unstable family structures can be contributing factors to participation in illegal activities, including motorcycle racing. These problems may include issues, such as broken families, lack of parental supervision, or strained relationships, which can influence a young person's choices and behaviours.

Regarding racing activities, 57.5% of participants identified themselves as active racers, while the remaining 42.5% were either bystanders or participated in convoys only. The duration of involvement as an illegal racer was 1.3 years. About 44% reported racing very often or often, while 13.5% indicated they rarely engaged in such activities. About 27% of the respondents possessed a valid driving license, while a substantial 73% did not possess one. About 54% had modified their motorcycles, with the remaining 46% sticking to standard configurations. In comparison, 57.5% of the respondents admitted to performing dangerous stunts or manoeuvres, whereas 42.5% claimed not to engage in such activities. A majority of the respondents (59.75%) acknowledged a history of disregarding traffic laws, while 40.25% reported abiding by traffic laws. About 57.5% of the respondents indicated a history of facing legal consequences, with 42.5% reporting no such history.

The substantial number of participants involved in active racing and participating in risky stunts is alarming. These activities pose a significant hazard to both the safety of the participants and other individuals using the road. Furthermore, the fact that many participants lack a valid driving license is a cause for concern, indicating that they may not have received proper training or meet the qualifications necessary for the safe operation of a motorcycle. The elevated percentage of participants with a track record of disregarding traffic regulations and facing legal consequences suggests a lack of seriousness toward the law. This is a major issue as it implies a higher likelihood of engaging in other perilous behaviours, such as substance abuse and criminal activities.

These research findings highlight that individuals who adhere to traditional masculine norms are more likely to engage in illegal racing and display aggressive behaviour. This finding is supported by several studies that suggest that the need to be powerful, dominant, respected, and engage in reckless driving are ways of expressing masculinity [48-50]. Research has shown a correlation between masculinity and driving styles, where men are more likely to engage in aggressive driving and speeding [51-53]. Illegal racers display violence, intimidation, and domineering attitudes, which are signs of high masculine identity. This is supported by previous research, which has shown that men who conform to masculine norms are more likely to justify using any form of aggression to overcome disputes [41, 44].

The findings of this study indicate that young illegal racers often demonstrate their masculinity and aggressive behaviour within the context of a large group or street gang. This behaviour is influenced by the mob mentality, which can cause individuals to behave in a similar manner, lose their sense of self-awareness, and make decisions based on the desire to conform to the group [54, 55].

The prevalence of the mob mentality within the illegal racing community in Malaysia highlights a larger issue of a group of individuals who disregard the law and repeatedly engage in this criminal activity. It is important to note that mob mentality is not unique to illegal racing and can be observed in various contexts, including protests, riots, and sports events. In these situations, individuals are often influenced by the emotions and behaviours of those around them and may act in ways they would not engage in otherwise. The prevalence of the mob mentality within the illegal racing community in Malaysia suggests that there may be deeper social and cultural factors contributing to this phenomenon. Hence, addressing these underlying factors may be critical to effectively reducing the occurrence of illegal racing and its associated risks.

Another potential intervention strategy could involve community-based programs that provide individuals with alternative ways to express their masculinity that do not involve dangerous driving behaviour. This could include initiatives that promote healthy lifestyle choices, physical fitness, and other activities that allow individuals to showcase their physical prowess and strength in a safe and healthy manner. Finally, it may also be useful to implement more stringent enforcement measures to deter individuals from engaging in reckless driving behaviour. This could involve increased fines and penalties for traffic violations, as well as increased police presence and surveillance to discourage individuals from engaging in dangerous driving practices.

The study's primary demographic of interest consisted of individuals between the ages of 13 and 30 who were actively participating in illegal motorcycle racing. This age bracket was specifically selected since it encompasses the developmental stage during which individuals commonly initiate motorcycle riding, a critical factor for their engagement in illegal racing. This age range was also chosen based on the existing body of research, which indicates that the majority of illegal racers fall within this spectrum. It is worth highlighting that the study intentionally included cases involving individuals below the age of 18, even though they are not legally capable of providing formal consent. This inclusion was driven by the recognition that this younger demographic figure forms a substantial and influential segment of the illegal racing community. Their involvement in the study was deemed essential in order to comprehensively understand the dynamics of illegal motorcycle racing, as excluding them would have resulted in a significant data gap and an incomplete picture of this complex issue. This approach acknowledges the unique challenges and ethical considerations associated with involving minors in research while emphasizing the importance of their contribution to the study's findings.

However, the study has some limitations and caveats that need to be acknowledged. Firstly, the study only focused on young Malay males engaged in illegal racing in Penang, and the findings cannot be generalized to the entire population of Malaysia. Future studies could explore whether the adherence to masculine norms is different among illegal racers from different regions, ethnicities, or genders. Despite these limitations, this study provides valuable insights into the relationship between self-perceived masculine identity and racing engagement among illegal racers. The use of snowball sampling techniques allowed the researchers to recruit more participants, which increased the sample size and strengthened the reliability and validity of the findings. In recruiting the participants, snowball sampling was deemed suitable due to the challenges associated with accessing this population, the potential for identifying subgroups within the illegal motorcycle racer community, and the trust that may exist between members of this community [56]. Additionally, the sampling method was chosen since illegal racing is an activity that is not socially accepted and may be associated with legal consequences, potentially causing participants to be hesitant to come forward and participate in research.

CONCLUSION

This study highlights the significance of masculine identity and group dynamics in illegal racing behaviour, emphasizing the need to address the underlying social and cultural factors that contribute to this behaviour. Prevention programs should target factors, such as the desire for social approval and dominance. Effective interventions could challenge traditional notions of masculinity, promoting alternative forms that prioritize nonviolent conflict resolution and positive relationships. The findings of this study indicate that social approval and respect from peers are significant motivators for engaging in illegal racing. Hence, encouraging healthy relationships and positive social connections may provide alternative sources of social validation and support, thereby reducing engagement in risky behaviours.

AUTHORS’ CONTRIBUTION

It is hereby acknowledged that all authors have accepted responsibility for the manuscript's content and consented to its submission. They have meticulously reviewed all results and unanimously approved the final version of the manuscript.

REFERENCES